The Supreme Court struck down the Electoral Bonds Scheme primarily on the basis of a violation of Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, which guarantees the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. The judgment treated *transparency in political funding* as an essential component of this right.
Here is the expanded and detailed reasoning behind why Article 19(1)(a) was central to the ruling:
1. Article 19(1)(a) includes the Voter’s Right to Information
Although Article 19(1)(a) does not explicitly mention a “right to know,” the Supreme Court has interpreted it as part of the broader freedom of speech and expression.
Key precedents include:
Union of India v. ADR (2002) – The Court held that voters have a right to know the criminal antecedents, educational qualifications, and assets of electoral candidates.
PUCL v. Union of India (2003) – It reaffirmed that voters’ right to information flows from Art. 19(1)(a), because political choices cannot be meaningful without adequate information.
Both cases directly shaped the legal foundation for evaluating the constitutionality of the Electoral Bonds Scheme.
2. Political Funding Transparency is a Component of Free and Fair Elections
The Supreme Court has consistently held that free and fair elections are part of the basic structure of the Constitution (Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain, 1975).
The logic is:
Free and fair elections require transparency,
Transparency requires access to information,
Access to information is part of Article 19(1)(a).
Therefore, any law that suppresses essential political information must pass the strict standards of Article 19(2).
3. Electoral Bonds Removed Voters’ Ability to Make an Informed Choice
The Scheme allowed complete anonymity for donors:
Citizens could not know who was funding which political party.
It prevented scrutiny of quid pro quo arrangements.
It distorted the level playing field because the ruling party received a disproportionately large share of donations.
The Court observed that political contributions are a form of political expression, and voters have a constitutionally protected right to access this information.
4. The Scheme Failed the Proportionality Test Under Article 19(2)
The government argued that donor anonymity was necessary to:
prevent political victimisation
encourage clean money
However, the Court held that:
there were less restrictive alternatives (such as public disclosure with safeguards),
anonymity disproportionately harmed voter rights, and
the restriction on transparency was excessive and unconstitutional.
Thus, the EBS was not a “reasonable restriction” under Article 19(2).
5. Art. 19(1)(a) + Basic Structure Doctrine
Because free and fair elections (basic structure) depend on informed voting (Art. 19(1)(a)), any law that undermines transparency also undermines the basic structure.
Hence, the Electoral Bonds Scheme was struck down for violating:
The document presents a critique of the United Nations (UN) organization, arguing that it has failed to carry out its charter-mandated tasks, specifically to ”maintain international peace and security” and ”to achieve international cooperation” in solving global problems. The author notes growing public frustration with catastrophic humanitarian situations and the failure of peace-keeping operations, leading to widespread scepticism about the possibility of ”revitalization”.
UN Reform Approaches
Discussions on UN reform are divided into two main categories: the conservative approach and the radical approach.
The conservative view considers the existing Charter ”practically untouchable” and believes in improving ”collective security” as defined in Chapter VII. Key positions include:
The radical approach criticizes the principles of the present system and proposes an overhaul. It reflects increasing doubts about the value of the Charter’s collective security system, especially in intra-State conflicts. Radical proposals include:
The author asserts that no major or minor reform has any chance of being implemented now, primarily because the Charter’s amendment procedures (requiring a two-thirds majority including all five permanent Security Council members) preclude agreement. However, he concludes that the continuing deterioration of the global situation, driven by economic integration, rising inequality, and intra-State conflicts, will inevitably lead the political establishment to define a new global institutional structure. This future debate will become highly political.
“Section 55 of the Indian Contract Act says that when a party to a contract promises to do a certain thing within a specified time but fails to do so, the contract or so much of it as has not been performed, becomes voidable at the option of the promisee if the intention of the parties was, that time should be of the essence of the contract. If time is not the essence of the contract, the contract does not become voidable by the failure to do such thing on or before the specified time but the promisee is entitled to compensation from the promisor for any loss occasioned to him by such failure. Further, if in case of a contract voidable on account of the promisor’s failure to perform his promise within the time agreed and the promisee accepts performance of such promise at any time other than that agreed, the promisee cannot claim compensation for any loss occasioned by the non-performance of the promise at the time agreed, unless, at the time of such acceptance he gives notice to the promisor of his intention to do so.
Sections 73 and 74 deal with consequences of breach of contract. Heading of Sec tion 73 is compensation for loss or damage caused by breach of contract. When a contract is broken, the party who suffers by such breach is entitled to receive from the party who has broken the contract compensation for any loss or damage caused to him thereby which naturally arose in the usual course of things from such breach or which the parties knew when they made the contract to be likely to result from the breach of it. On the other hand, Section 74 deals with compen sation for breach of contract where penalty is stipulated for. When a contract is broken, if a sum is mentioned in the contract as the amount to be paid in case of such breach or if the contract contains any other stipulation by way of penalty, the party complaining of the breach is entitled whether or not actually damage or loss is proved to have been caused thereby, to receive from the party who has broken the contract reasonable compensation not exceeding the amount so named or the penalty stipulated for.”
tracted from: Consolidated Construction Consortium Limited v Software Technol ogy Parks of India 2025 INSC 574
“Law treats all contracts with equal respect and unless a contract is proved to suffer from any of the vitiating factors, the terms and conditions have to be enforced regardless of the relative strengths and weakness of the parties.
Section 28 of the Contract Act does not bar exclusive jurisdiction clauses. What has been barred is the absolute restriction of any party from approaching a legal forum. The right to legal adjudication cannot be taken away from any party through contract but can be relegated to a set of Courts for the ease of the parties. In the present dispute, the clause does not take away the right of the employee to pursue a legal claim but only restricts the employee to pursue those claims before the courts in Mumbai alone.
... the Court must already have jurisdiction to entertain such a legal claim. This limb pertains to the fact that a contract cannot confer jurisdiction on a court that did not have such a jurisdiction in the first place.”
Extracted from: Rakesh Kumar Verma v HDFC Bank Ltd 2025 INSC 473
Today, in the year 2025, we have been experiencing the drastic consequences of large scale destruction of environment on human lives in the capital city of our country and in many other cities. At least for a span of two months every year, the residents of Delhi suffocate due to air pollution. The AQI level is either dangerous or very dangerous. They suffer in their health. The other leading cities are not far behind. The air and water pollution in the cities is ever increasing. Therefore, coming out with measures such as the 2021 Official Memorandum is violative of fundamental rights of all persons guaranteed under Article 21 to live in a pollution free environment. It also infringes the right to health guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution.
The 2021 OM talks about the concept of development. Can there be development at the cost of environment? Conservation of environment and its improvement is an essential part of the concept of development. Therefore, going out of the way by issuing such OMs to protect those who have caused harm to the environment has to be deprecated by the Courts which are under a constitutional and statutory mandate to uphold the fundamental right under Article 21 and to protect the environment. In fact, the Courts should comedown heavily on such attempts. As stated earlier, the 2021 OM deals with project proponents who were fully aware of the EIA notification and who have taken conscious risk to flout the EIA notification and go ahead with the construction/continuation/expansion of projects. They have shown scant respect to the law and their duty to protect the environment. Apart from violation of Article 21, such action is completely arbitrary which is violative article 14 of the Constitution of India, besides being violative of the 1986 Act and the EIA notification.
(Extracted with edits from Vanashakti v. Union of India, 2025 INSC 718)