In 1982, a raging controversy broke out over a forest act drafted by the Government of India. This act sought to strengthen the already extensive powers enjoyed by the forest bureaucracy in controlling the extraction, disposal and sale of forest produce. It also gave forest officials greater powers to strictly regulate the entry of any person into reserved forest areas. While forest officials justified the act on the grounds that it was necessary to stop the continuing deforestation, it was bitterly opposed by representatives of grassroots organisations, who argued that it was a major violation of the rights of peasants and tribals living in and around forest areas. . . .
The debate over the draft forest act fuelled a larger controversy over the orientation of state forest policy. It was pointed out, for example, that the draft act was closely modelled on its predecessor, the Forest Act of 1878. The earlier Act rested on a usurpation of rights of ownership by the colonial state which had little precedent in precolonial history. It was further argued that the system of forestry introduced by the British—and continued, with little modification, after 1947—emphasised revenue generation and commercial exploitation, while its policing orientation excluded villagers who had the most longstanding claim on forest resources. Critics called for a complete overhaul of forest administration, pressing the government to formulate policy and legislation more appropriate to present needs. . . .
That debate is not over yet. The draft act was shelved, though it has not as yet been formally withdrawn. Meanwhile, the 1878 Act (as modified by an amendment in 1927) continues to be in operation. In response to its critics, the government has made some important changes in forest policy, e.g., no longer treating forests as a source of revenue, and stopping ecologically hazardous practices such as the clearfelling of natural forests. At the same time, it has shown little inclination to meet the major demand of the critics of forest policy—namely, abandoning the principle of state monopoly over forest land by handing over areas of degraded forests to individuals and communities for afforestation.
. . . [The] 1878 Forest Act itself was passed only after a bitter and prolonged debate within the colonial bureaucracy, in which protagonists put forward arguments strikingly similar to those being advanced today. As well known, the Indian Forest Department owes its origin to the requirements of railway companies. The early years of the expansion of the railway network, c. 1853 onwards, led to tremendous deforestation in peninsular India owing to the railway’s requirements of fuelwood and construction timber. Huge quantities of durable timbers were also needed for use as sleepers across the new railway tracks. Inexperienced in forestry, the British called in German experts to commence systematic forest management. The Indian Forest Department was started in 1864, with Dietrich Brandis, formally a Lecturer in Botany, as the first Inspector General of Forests. The early years of the forest department, even as it grew, continued to meet the railway needs for timber and wood. These systems first emerged as part of the needs of the expanding empire.
The question asks for the primary reason why the 1982 draft forest act led to the development of a larger controversy. The context provided indicates that this draft act was heavily criticized due to its similarity with the Forest Act of 1878, which was a colonial-era legislation.
Given this analysis, the correct answer is: The 1982 draft forest act replicated colonial measures of control and regulation of forest resources. This option encapsulates the main criticism that the draft act was simply a continuation of colonial practices, which was a root cause of the larger controversy.
To determine the best encapsulation of why the "raging controversy" developed into a "larger controversy" related to the 1982 draft forest act, let's analyze each option in the context of the provided comprehension passage.
In conclusion, the most comprehensive explanation for the controversy extending into a larger debate is best captured by Option 3: "The 1982 draft forest act replicated colonial measures of control and regulation of forest resources." This reflects the crux of the discussion, which points toward the act's regressive echoing of colonial policies rather than evolving to meet current socio-political and community-focused needs.
Let's analyze the question with reference to the passage provided. The question is asking which reform is yet to happen in India's forest policies.
Therefore, the answer to the question is correctly identified as the reform that is still pending.
To determine which forest policy reform is yet to happen in India's forest policies, we need to analyze the details provided in the comprehension passage. Here is a step-by-step breakdown:
Based on the detailed analysis of the passage, involving local people in cultivating forests is the reform that has not yet been implemented in India’s forest policy, despite it being a significant demand from critics.
The question is asking for a point of difference between the 1878 Forest Act and the 1982 draft forest act based on the given passage. Let's analyze the options one by one to determine which option is not common between the two acts.
Analyzing the passage and options, it is clear that Option 1: Both resulted in large scale deforestation is the feature that does not pertain to both the 1878 Forest Act and the 1982 draft forest act. The passage does not suggest that both acts resulted in increased deforestation, making this the correct answer.
The question requires us to identify which aspect is not common between the 1878 Forest Act and the 1982 draft forest act. Let's break down each option using the given comprehension passage.
In conclusion, the only option that is not common to both the 1878 Forest Act and the 1982 draft forest act is that they resulted in large scale deforestation, as the passage does not attribute this consequence to both acts. Thus, the correct answer is: Both resulted in large scale deforestation.
To tackle this reading comprehension question, we need to identify which of the given options doesn't weaken the narrative within the passage.
The passage discusses the historical context of forest management in India, including the controversial 1982 draft forest act. It highlights how the act sought to enhance forest officials' control over forest resources, which was opposed by grassroots organizations as it violated the rights of peasants and tribal communities. The passage also explains how British colonial forest policy focused on revenue and commercial exploitation and how German experts were brought in to establish systematic forest management.
Let's evaluate the options one by one to see how they align with this narrative:
Conclusion: The correct answer is the last option, "Nineteenth-century German forestry experts were infamous for violating the rights of indigenous communities that lived in forest regions," as it aligns with and supports the narrative presented in the passage rather than weakening it.
To answer this question, we need to identify the option that does not weaken the narrative presented in the passage. The passage is centered around the historical context of forest policies in India, particularly focusing on the control exerted by colonial and post-colonial administrations over forest resources, often excluding local peasants and tribal communities who were directly dependent on these forests.
Let's evaluate each option:
The option that does not weaken the passage's narrative is: Nineteenth century German forestry experts were infamous for violating the rights of indigenous communities that lived in forest regions.


When people who are talking don’t share the same culture, knowledge, values, and assumptions, mutual understanding can be especially difficult. Such understanding is possible through the negotiation of meaning. To negotiate meaning with someone, you have to become aware of and respect both the differences in your backgrounds and when these differences are important. You need enough diversity of cultural and personal experience to be aware that divergent world views exist and what they might be like. You also need the flexibility in world view, and a generous tolerance for mistakes, as well as a talent for finding the right metaphor to communicate the relevant parts of unshared experiences or to highlight the shared experiences while demphasizing the others. Metaphorical imagination is a crucial skill in creating rapport and in communicating the nature of unshared experience. This skill consists, in large measure, of the ability to bend your world view and adjust the way you categorize your experiences. Problems of mutual understanding are not exotic; they arise in all extended conversations where understanding is important.
When it really counts, meaning is almost never communicated according to the CONDUIT metaphor, that is, where one person transmits a fixed, clear proposition to another by means of expressions in a common language, where both parties have all the relevant common knowledge, assumptions, values, etc. When the chips are down, meaning is negotiated: you slowly figure out what you have in common, what it is safe to talk about, how you can communicate unshared experience or create a shared vision. With enough flexibility in bending your world view and with luck and charity, you may achieve some mutual understanding.
Communication theories based on the CONDUIT metaphor turn from the pathetic to the evil when they are applied indiscriminately on a large scale, say, in government surveillance or computerized files. There, what is most crucial for real understanding is almost never included, and it is assumed that the words in the file have meaning in themselves—disembodied, objective, understandable meaning. When a society lives by the CONDUITmetaphor on a large scale, misunderstanding, persecution, and much worse are the likely products.
Later, I realized that reviewing the history of nuclear physics served another purpose as well: It gave the lie to the naive belief that the physicists could have come together when nuclear fission was discovered (in Nazi Germany!) and agreed to keep the discovery a secret, thereby sparing humanity such a burden. No. Given the development of nuclear physics up to 1938, development that physicists throughout the world pursued in all innocence of any intention of finding the engine of a new weapon of mass destruction—only one of them, the remarkable Hungarian physicist Leo Szilard, took that possibility seriously—the discovery of nuclear fission was inevitable. To stop it, you would have had to stop physics. If German scientists hadn’t made the discovery when they did, French, American, Russian, Italian, or Danish scientists would have done so, almost certainly within days or weeks. They were all working at the same cutting edge, trying to understand the strange results of a simple experiment bombarding uranium with neutrons. Here was no Faustian bargain, as movie directors and other naifs still find it intellectually challenging to imagine. Here was no evil machinery that the noble scientists might hide from the problems and the generals. To the contrary, there was a high insight into how the world works, an energetic reaction, older than the earth, that science had finally devised the instruments and arrangements to coart forth. “Make it seem inevitable,” Louis Pasteur used to advise his students when they prepared to write up their discoveries. But it was. To wish that it might have been ignored or suppressed is barbarous. “Knowledge,” Niels Bohr once noted, “is itself the basis for civilization.” You cannot have the one without the other; the one depends upon the other. Nor can you have only benevolent knowledge; the scientific method doesn’t filter for benevolence. Knowledge has consequences, not always intended, not always comfortable, but always welcome. The earth revolves around the sun, not the sun around the earth. “It is a profound and necessary truth,” Robert Oppenheimer would say, “that the deep things in science are not found because they are useful; they are found because it was possible to find them.”
...Bohr proposed once that the goal of science is not universal truth. Rather, he argued, the modest but relentless goal of science is “the gradual removal of prejudices.” The discovery that the earth revolves around the sun has gradually removed the prejudice that the earth is the center of the universe. The discovery of microbes is gradually removing the prejudice that disease is a punishment from God. The discovery of evolution is gradually removing the prejudice that Homo sapiens is a separate and special creation.
For any natural number $k$, let $a_k = 3^k$. The smallest natural number $m$ for which \[ (a_1)^1 \times (a_2)^2 \times \dots \times (a_{20})^{20} \;<\; a_{21} \times a_{22} \times \dots \times a_{20+m} \] is: